Yawning Bread. 19 April 2008

Prosecute or nothing


    

 

 

This site has documented numerous instances where the Media Development Authority (MDA), in its role as the state censors, has banned websites, films and videos. It has also levied heavy fines on websites and television stations and is now threatening to license videogame sellers, and fine them if they breach its new rules.

Quite rightly, lots of people have spoken up against the many, often highly intrusive, laws and regulations that Singapore has over expression.

However, it's not just the specific laws. There is another side to the problem: The whole architecture of the regulatory system is designed to be a loaded one, allowing the citizen little room to defend his rights. Focussing on the laws is not enough. The whole system must be dismantled.

What is this system?

In a nutshell, the system is one that gives bureaucrats in the MDA wide discretion to write and interpret the rules (called Codes of Practice), then to judge whether you have violated them, and to either fine you or ban your work.

The MDA thus acts as prosecutor, judge and jury.

 

I am well aware that some people will see the word "prosecute" in the title and go off screaming that Yawning Bread is calling for tougher regulation of speech and the internet.

On the contrary, I will argue in this essay for less regulation, but in a way that may be counter-intuitive.

 

 


Click on graphic for the full text
of the proposal which a group of bloggers sent to the government, April 2008.

Other articles related to the proposals for internet deregulation:

The pigeons are already among us  
Why the Films Act should be trashed

 

If you feel aggrieved, the only recourse open to you is to appeal to the minister. The minister's decision is final (as if anyone ever believes that he will reverse his own bureaucrats' decisions). The regulatory process explicitly does not provide any route to a court-based review. Even worse, bureaucrats can make decisions affecting you and your work in secret, under cover of the Official Secrets Act. They do not have to explain how they have arrived at the interpretation they are using, or the decision finding you guilty, or the quantum of the fine. In short, it denies you due process.

The system is completely antithetical to basic principles of natural justice. Hence, we need to make two demands:

1. All administrative rules and discretionary powers to be abolished;

2. If regulation is justified, then it should take the form of laws, which should not be implemented by the MDA, but through the justice system. 

Even if imperfect, the justice system we have, with its checks and balances, is far better than the MDA's arbitrary, secretive and closed regulatory system. In other words, prosecute or nothing.

Whoa, you may say, for if you read the above too quickly, you'd think I'm recommending that MDA's administrative regulation should be replaced by prosecution. I am not. I said, "If regulation is justified". Most of MDA's rules are not; they should be abolished without being replaced.

* * * * *

 

 

Let me now expand on the above:

The regulatory system that we have is a mix of two methods:

1. There are specific laws, e.g. the Sedition Act and provisions in the Penal Code, that describe offences and that are implemented through prosecution.

2. Then there are enabling laws which in the main do not create offences. Rather, they enable and empower an administrative body to control people. Typically, such laws delegate power to the minister to make whatever regulations he sees fit. In other words, Parliament gives the minister a proverbial blank cheque. The minister then delegates his powers (the blank cheque) to bureaucrats, such that now bureaucrats' decisions acquire the force of law.

More specifically, this administrative regulatory system in Singapore works in this form:

1. All media are put under one or another kind of licence scheme, whether what you have is a newspaper, a film, a TV station or a website. Sometimes the government wants you to apply explicitly for a licence, but where that is not practical, as in the case of the internet, the law empowers the bureaucrats to declare anyone they wish as coming within the scope of a class licence.

2. The minister, using powers delegated to him by Parliament, then issues "Regulations" and "Codes of Practice" which, among other things, set out the conditions that licensees must adhere to. Very often, the language is left vague or all-encompassing, so that anything that the government dislikes in future will be caught within the rules.

3. The Regulations empower the bureaucrats in the MDA to do a number of things:

(a) require all licensees to put up a bond to ensure good behaviour, the quantum to be decided by the MDA themselves;

(b) interpret the Regulations and Codes of Practice from time to time as required, without any need to explain how they arrive at such interpretation;

(c) decide who has fallen foul of the Regulations/Codes without any need to

(i) explain publicly how they have arrived at a finding that a violation has occurred; nor

(ii) give the licensee due process to defend himself and have his defence weighed by an independent decision-maker;

(d) decide how much to fine the licensee, or ban altogether;

(e) confiscate the pre-paid bond if necessary, in lieu of the fine.

As I've said above, the system anoints the MDA as prosecutor, judge and jury. Actually, it's worse than that. The MDA, unlike a proper judge, can keep the reasons behind its decisions secret. And its decisions cannot be appealed to a higher court.

* * * * *

 
Take for example, the recent case in which Cable TV operator Starhub was fined S$10,000 for airing a music video advertisement that included a lesbian kiss.

Section 4.2 of the Subscription Television Programme Code says,

Information, themes and subplots on lifestyles such as homosexuality, lesbianism, bisexualism, transvestism, paedophilia and incest should be treated with utmost caution. Their treatment should not in anyway promote, justify or glamorise such lifestyles. Explicit depictions of the above should not be broadcast.

You'd notice that the word "kiss" is not there. The MDA made an interpretation of the words "promote, justify or glamourise" to encompass a kiss. It attempted to justify its interpretation by saying, in its press release, that "MDA also consulted the Advisory Committee for Chinese Programmes and the Committee concurred that the commercial had promoted lesbianism as acceptable and romantic, especially when shown together with the lyrics featured", except that the committee's deliberations are secret. In fact, I can't even see who the people on the committee are. Needless to say, it's the government who appointed them. On what criteria? Who knows?

(Actually, my objection is much more fundamental: There shouldn't even be a rule about "promote,. justify or glamourise", let alone how to interpret it.)

Starhub was fined S$10,000. There is no explanation either how this quantum was arrived at.

What avenues were open to Starhub to contest the decision? Section 59 of the Broadcasting Act says that

59(1) Any licensee aggrieved by ­

(a) any decision of the Authority in the exercise of any discretion vested in it by or under this Act; or

(b) anything contained in any Code of Practice or direction issued by the Authority,

may appeal to the Minister.

Then, subsections (3) and (4) say,

(3) The Minister may determine an appeal under this section by confirming, varying or reversing any decision or direction of the Authority or by amending any Code of Practice.

(4) The decision of the Minister in any appeal shall be final.

Isn't it striking how the regulatory system gives the minister the final say, not a court of justice?

Take another recent example: Martyn See's film Speakers Cornered was given an NC16 rating by the MDA, but he still cannot screen it in public unless he puts up a hefty bond.

Under the MDA's regulations, anyone wishing to screen NC16, M18 and R21 films at one-off events has to apply for a temporary licence by furnishing a S$10,000 performance bond.

-- 'Today' newspaper, 17 April 2008, NC16 rating
for film on Speakers' Corner protest

Do you trust them with a bond? Because the MDA is free to decide anytime that you have violated one or more of its conditions and that the bond should be forfeited.

The regulatory regime for the internet takes a similar form. There is a Class Licence scheme and it's up to the MDA to decide who is covered by it. There is a Code of Practice (which the MDA can change at any time, quietly) and it's up to the MDA to decide whether you have violated it. There is no role for the courts, and without a court process, how do you contest the charge or the penalty that the MDA wants to impose?

Singapore's justice system has weaknesses, but even so, it is clearly better than the MDA's self-serving system. If charged in court, you can be represented by a lawyer who can present evidence or expert witnesses (for example, to persuade the court as to changing social attitudes or correct interpretation of the law). The trial must be open to public scrutiny and the reasoning behind a judge's decision must be made public. Moreover, there is an appeal route to a higher court.

Also, if you lose the case, you pay the fine afterwards, unlike the MDA system, where you in effect pay your fine in advance in the form of a performance bond.

* * * * *

 

 

 

 

Be careful to distinguish carefully the words used here.

Laws are made by Parliament

Regulations and Codes of Practice are made by the minister or his bureaucrats.

To summarise, the principle of "prosecute or nothing" includes:

1. a complete scrapping of discretionary regulations and codes of practice;

2. a trimming of the laws circumscribing speech, leaving only the absolute essential.

Examples of the kinds of laws that could remain would be those that criminalise depiction of child pornography, promotion of child trafficking and prostitution, or speech that incites racial and religious rioting. These are offences which are not controversial if made illegal.

Much of the rest, for example, the regulations restricting political speech during elections, or permitting the MDA to ban films, videogames and websites as they please, should simply be junked. All these should be the "nothing" part of "prosecute or nothing".

© Yawning Bread 


 

 

Lee Hsien Loong signals a few changes to come, but...

On 14 April 2008, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong was reported to have told journalists from the Chinese-language newspaper Zaobao that "it is necessary for us to update the rules to adapt to the demands of the new era. We will examine whether we should relax part of the rules but this issue will be handled cautiously to prevent a negative impact." (Straits Times, 14 April 2008, Laws must keep up with changing new media, says PM)

This is a signal that the government will soon be tweaking the rules on the internet.

I say "tweaking" because you can bet they will do the absolute minimum necessary, but make a big show and tell, boasting about how much they have accommodated public demands.

I don't foresee them doing anymore than loosen up a bit over political films, and maybe podcasts and vodcasts around election time. Notice his words "will be handled cautiously".

As you can see from this essay, the issue is much bigger than just a few rules. The entire process is so unfair, until it is overhauled, it cannot be satisfactory.

 

Footnotes

None

Addenda

None